Presidential Election National Treasury Lee Jae-myung Kim Moon-soo Fascist Election Acceleration Democracy Suffrage ‘Destruction’
The presidential election in Korea cost over 300 billion won, and the two parties are destroying the right to vote in democracy by establishing a fascist system that unilaterally pressures the people.
The Korean presidential election is equivalent to establishing a fascist system by blocking the disclosure of election expenses by the National Election Commission with a ‘3-month restriction’ from the method of fully covering the national subsidy and election expenses of the two major parties.
Electoral fascism is a system in which individual candidates' one-sided values and ideologies form the center of their election campaigns, and the taxes paid by the people under the principle of popular sovereignty are monopolized for the unilateral injection and propagation of these values.
In the system of destroying the right to vote in which the presidential candidate unilaterally propagandizes the people with taxes paid by the people, the system in Korea is the only system in the world where the candidate who paid more taxes and received tax support unilaterally pressures the people who paid taxes, and the fascist system that continues to increase is making the 22nd president.
In the popular sovereignty of democracy, the constitutional ‘national support fund’ for national participation in party politics is applied in reverse, and the presidential candidates are guaranteed unlimited use as ‘publicity packaging expenses’ against the people, and this is a fascist system that makes it impossible for the people to verify it by paying unlimitedly as a cost for controlling the people’s right to vote.
Lee Jae-myung, the Democratic Party candidate, strengthened the party leader's position with 'party member sovereignty' and dominated the National Assembly, received party recommendations, and repeatedly violated the Constitution by promoting personal elections to the public with government subsidies based on the 'people's sovereignty' of the Constitution.
Kim Moon-soo, the People Power Party candidate, used government subsidies given to political parties and accused the party secretary general of 'violating the party's priority (attempting unification)', and the police filed a case on the 20th, and the candidate violated the 'basic democratic order' granted to political parties by having a higher status than the party.
Both Lee Jae-myung and Kim Moon-soo are subject to the provisions of Article 1, People's Sovereignty, and Article 8, "A political party is dissolved when its purpose or activities violate the basic democratic order" of the Constitution, which prohibits the payment of government subsidies and the dissolution of political parties.
In the US election, there is no national subsidy for cases where individual donations are received (the National Tax Act prohibits individual donations for election expenses, and the two major party candidates avoid the upper limit), and the election expenses spent from individual donations are ‘immediately reported and immediately disclosed’ on the Internet, and the ‘democratic party expenses’ of the political parties and presidential candidates are ‘immediately disclosed and verified by voters’ in the details, which is a core democratic system.
On the other hand, Korea has falsified this and thoroughly ‘monopolized the two major parties’ huge subsidies + full compensation for election expenses’ and ‘limited access for 3 months after the election after a lump-sum report’, so that individual publicity projects for candidates supported by the national treasury become the mainstay of the presidential election, and each candidate can use up to 300 billion won without permission, accelerating the fascist system.
The Korean method of changing the presidential election expenses spent entirely from the national treasury from ‘reporting after the election results to the National Election Commission’s website disclosure for 3 months’ to ‘closing the National Election Commission’s website’ is a fascist system because the purpose is to block voters’ access.
While the United States guarantees democracy by requiring the Federal Election Commission (FEC) to “ensure voters can search the Internet within 48 hours of receipt for election expenses (including individual donations) and within 24 hours for digital submissions,” Korea legally guarantees “accounting manipulation” by requiring “more than 40 days from the final election date to the disclosure of expenditure details (30 days for presidential and proportional representation elections, and regional members of the National Assembly).”
On May 27, 2021, the Constitutional Court ruled that some of the provisions of Article 42, Paragraph 2 of the Political Funds Act, which states that “election expenses paid by the national treasury can only be viewed for three months from the date of public announcement,” are unconstitutional, but also ruled that “a limitation on the viewing period is necessary.”
In this presidential election, the State Council deliberated and approved the '2025 General Accounting Reserve Expenditure Plan' on the 8th, and allocated 386.7 billion won to the Central Election Management Committee as election management expenses, and the National Election Commission set aside 322.8 billion won as election management expenses, and 52.4 billion won as election subsidies monopolized by the two major political parties.
Korea is imitating American party politics and elections, and changed the absence of direct government subsidies to political parties in the US into 'political party subsidies' in the Constitution, and then manipulated the political party subsidies for this election in the National Assembly Act, and paid them to political parties under Article 27 of the Political Funds Act, which is an unconstitutional legal structure.
The Korean Constitution, which imitates the American system, stipulates in Article 8 of Chapter 1 that ‘political parties’ are the ‘rights’ of the people, thereby changing it into a power structure separate from the ‘National Assembly’, and Korea even created ‘political party subsidy payment’ in the National Assembly Act, and adopted the ‘parasiticization of political parties into the National Assembly’ system in which candidates receive election subsidies through a system of belittling political parties as ‘political parties subordinate to the National Assembly’.
In the structure of ‘the National Assembly has legislative power’ arranged in Chapter 3 of the Constitution, the National Assembly Act, which is subordinate to it, guarantees the ‘monopolization of the National Assembly and presidential election’ by the two political parties by ‘equally distributing 50% of the total amount to political parties that form a negotiating group with members of the same political party’.
In particular, the presidential candidate propaganda election is ‘preservation of election expenses for political parties’, and under the pretext of the ‘Public Official Election Act’, the election expenses are fully compensated for candidates who receive 15% or more of the votes and the political parties to which the candidates belong, and the access of voters who pay taxes is strictly blocked by law for verification.
Accordingly, the budget for the 20th presidential election in 2022 has increased significantly by 92.8 billion won (44.8%) compared to the 19th, and even though the 21st election was held earlier this time, it will increase by 23 billion won compared to the 20th, reaching 322.8 billion won. In a structure where the two major parties spend election expenses indefinitely, the amount of elections funded entirely by the national treasury has increased by nearly three times in 20 years. Article 8 of the Constitution stipulates that “the establishment of political parties is free for the people, and the multi-party system is guaranteed” and that “political parties must be democratic in their purpose, organization, and activities, and must have the organization necessary to participate in the formation of the people’s political will.” It also stipulates that “political parties are protected by the state as prescribed by law, and the state may provide necessary financial support for the operation of political parties as prescribed by law.” Therefore, it is clearly stated as “support for the voluntary organization of political parties by the people,” but it was changed to “support for activities of individual candidates and political parties” in the National Assembly Act, which made it into law.
Furthermore, the Korean-style fascist system strictly controls the “3-member limit” by law when “limited election subsidies (public funding)” are invested only in the presidential election (presidential election) of the US federal government, and strictly controls the “3-member limit” by law by disclosing it indefinitely on the Internet so that voters can verify it.
Korea strictly controls the “political parties” in Article 8 of the Constitution. By abusing the ‘subsidy payment’ clause, the candidate spent the election expenses individually, and the political party changed it into a manipulative approach of ‘packaging individual candidates’, and this is likely to be unconstitutional because it is made based on ‘using the national treasury’ by placing the political party in the lower ranks through the National Assembly Act.
In the US presidential election, if the individual sponsorship of the candidate becomes stronger, there is no need to use the national treasury subsidy, which has many upper limit regulations and verification restrictions, and in the system where minor candidates receive national treasury subsidies, the national treasury is paid to ‘individual candidates’ rather than ‘political parties’, and the candidates are subject to regulation by the ‘National Tax Act’.
In the US system where political parties and individual candidates are separated, the national treasury subsidy is a ‘minor candidate support’ system, but in Korea, it was changed into a ‘two-party monopoly national treasury system’ through the National Assembly Act, and through this, candidate Lee Jae-myung used the method of establishing a presidential campaign system with the National Assembly member domination system by putting forward ‘party member sovereignty’, which is for controlling the political party.
For US presidential candidates, the political action committee (PAC) of the political party is the official fundraising window, and through this, political funds are donated by companies, labor unions, and interest groups. The presidential campaign established democracy through a candidate personal promotion system that relied on the organization of the political party with transfers from other authorized committees and individual contributions to the candidates.
Article 26 (Internal Revenue Code), a federal law of the United States, stipulates in Section H the presidential campaign funds and payment targets, applies strict tax laws to candidates, and guarantees democracy by requiring that the amount used be reported and verified within 3 days.
In Korea, Article 42, Paragraph 2 of the Political Funds Act stipulates that the competent election commission shall keep the reported financial status, income and expenditure details of political funds, and attached documents in its office, and disclose the income and expenditure statements among the documents subject to inspection limited to election expenses on the election commission website, and the inspection period is ‘3 months from the date of announcement’ after the end of the election, and it is an organized fascist system by legal concealment guarantee of ‘prohibition of inspection thereafter. ’
The Federal Election Commission (FEC) of the United States, which is responsible for the fairness of elections, Even during the election, it guarantees confirmation of the income and expenditure of election funds at any time.
The FEC has absolute authority in enforcing the election finance law, guaranteeing the rights of voters, and the legal obligation for candidates and PACs to report the income and expenditure of political funds to the FEC is supported by the system. In particular, the FEC established democracy by ‘immediately reviewing every week’ the details of election donations submitted by political parties and candidates, and ‘publicly reviewing once every two weeks.’
Voters in elections were institutionalized to be able to view the designation forms, statements, and reports submitted to the FEC at the committee office, and through this, non-profit, non-partisan organizations were able to verify election expenses and easily disclose the expenses to general voters, preventing the ‘concealment’ system of the Korean-style political parties and the National Election Commission monopolizing the funds.
In early May, when the Supreme Court ruled that Lee Jae-myung’s election was invalid, the Democratic Party returned the 43.4 billion won it had received in the 21st presidential election, and the party’s budget balance was 45 billion won, which was on the verge of bankruptcy.
But in April The Central Election Management Committee's budget for the general election is 107.224 billion won for election preservation funds, which is 5.4 billion won more than the 101.8 billion won of the 21st (2020) and is the largest ever. For the presidential election, election preservation funds are given to the political parties that recommended the candidates, and for the National Assembly elections, the candidates for the regional constituencies receive election preservation funds, and the election expenses for the proportional representation are covered by the political parties that recommended the candidates.
Last year, political party subsidies (current subsidies + election subsidies) amounted to 110.074 billion won, of which 62.34 billion won was invested in election expense subsidies.
In the 21st general election (2000), the election preservation funds were 87.4 billion won and the election subsidies were 44.1 billion won, and a total of 131.5 billion won was spent on election expenses, with national taxes going to individual candidates through political parties.
Initially, the amount of election expense preservation claims through political parties was 76.5 billion won for regional constituencies and The proportional representation party spent 21.1 billion won, totaling 97.6 billion won, but an additional 33.9 billion won was spent from the national treasury as a reserve fund, adding that the party spent election expenses.
In the 21st general election, the Democratic Party and the United Future Party (now the People Power Party) received 32.5654 billion won and 27.46906 billion won from the national treasury, respectively, as regional election reserve funds.
In the United States, some subsidies can be applied for according to the National Tax Service Act, but if election subsidies are received, there are clear restrictions and caps on election expenses, and most presidential elections choose to campaign without a cap with individual sponsorship without receiving subsidies at all.
According to the US National Tax Service Act, candidates from parties that received 25% or more of the votes in the previous presidential election are eligible to apply for individual election subsidies, minor party candidates who received 5% or more of the votes are eligible to receive support at a level proportional to the voter turnout recorded in the previous presidential election, and candidates from new parties who recorded 5% or more of the votes are eligible to receive support proportional to the voter turnout. Since it is a method of partially compensating election expenses, the system itself is different from Korea, which directly gives money to political parties.
The legal control method for election subsidies is that if a presidential candidate exceeds the 'allowed' election expenses of up to $10 million plus the cost of living adjustment (COLA) increase rate in all primary elections, he or she is punished. Accordingly, the general election is limited to a maximum of $20 million plus the COLA increase rate, and the COLA is a thorough national tax law control method that matches the wage figures announced by the Department of Labor.
South Korea avoided this by separating it into a separate political funding law, ensuring that the national treasury would avoid legal regulation.
In the US election, when a candidate applies for a subsidy, personal spending is limited to $50,000, and they cannot receive personal donations or foreign donations.
The Korean political system was structured so that the candidate, not the party leader, would establish a system of extreme power monopoly and, if elected president, would destroy the party system, destroy democracy, and become a far-right group. Taking advantage of this, the Yoon Seok-yeol regime started out without a party foundation and immediately transitioned into a far-right fascist regime and launched a far-right coup, while the Lee Jae-myung regime, as a sequel, went straight from a local administrator who was not from a party to a presidential candidate through party fascism.
The emergence of extremism in Korean political parties is showing an even more solid fascist system through the amplification of unilateralism, with the “party subsidies” based on the “party democracy” provision of the Constitution being groundlessly altered into election subsidies for candidate recommenders, and the national treasury taxes being used exclusively for candidates and monopolized as “personal publicity and propaganda expenses.”
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